Irish Garb: Part 4
Early Medieval Irish Garb Part 4: The Rest of the Outfit
To read about sources about Irish garb, see Irish Garb: Part 1. To read about materials, colors and decoration, see Irish Garb: Part 2. To read about the hooded tunic, see Irish Garb: Part 3.
Terms:
Beyond the basic léine (1), or tunic, the Irish had a variety of accessories for dressing themselves, and even more words for those garments. Just like blouse, camisole, polo, long-sleeve, tank-top, jersey, and t-shirt are all modern English words referring to shirts today, the same basic piece of clothing could have a variety of names in Old Irish. Thus the following terms represent only the most basic 'type' names for the garments that make up the full Irish outfit.
In using these overly-general terms, some confusion is guaranteed to result unless careful explanations of context are provided. This can be a serious challenge in any language (for example, the definition of a 'coat' can just as easily cover a fuzzy bathrobe as it can a plastic rain-jacket), but it particularly complicates matters when the language is ancient, had no standardized spelling, and the forms of clothing being documented in this language are uncertain.
As a consequence, modern conventions have evolved to help provide specificity where there is none in the original context. For instance, garb researchers often make use of the two different spellings for jacket, ionar and inar, to artificially distinguish between the long-sleeved, very long coat (seen on saints, nobles and angels) and the 3/4-sleeved, short-sleeved or sleeveless waistcoat or vest (seen on soldiers). In the texts, both were called the same name, and the two different spellings were likely pronounced exactly the same. Isolating the two spellings to help differentiate between the two basic types of jacket is a purely modern convenience, and not intended to imply that the Irish would have recognized any distinction between the words.
This list of basic terms also leaves out many redundant words, variations, compound-formations and unclear names for these basic garments. For example, lennbrat (or lendbratt) seems to be a compound word from lenn (a word related to the léine, but translated variously as a covering, mantle, or shirt) and bratt (the cloak or mantle). This lennbratt could be a form of poncho (like the hooded, bell-shaped ponchos seen in Topographia Hiberniae (2)), or perhaps a cloak with sleeves, or it could just be another name for the rectangular cloak. The subtleties and nuances of such lexical evidence are difficult to parse, so no definite conclusions can yet be drawn.
Thus, the reenactor must be cognizant of the breadth and variety of Irish clothing over the course of a millennium, and simply accept that, until more is known, the list of definable items will be few and simple in nature. With luck, new archaeological evidence will someday add clarity to the more mysterious terms, expanding the potential wardrobe of future reenactors.
Trews
Not all Irish wore trousers; only men of active lifestyles used this garment. Laborers, farmers, soldiers and perhaps some lords' sons (while they lived as warriors) could wear triús under their tunics, or with a short jacket/vest, or just the triús alone (shirtless). A few myths mention women living as Fennian warriors as well, but they do not indicate that these women adopted masculine clothing while pursuing this lifestyle, and (like all Fennians) they resumed normal habits when they rejoined regular society.
Depictions showing triús often include horses, logically suggesting that the bifurcated garment was primarily used when astride a horse. The Irish were famous for riding without saddles, so some form of pants would have greatly increased the comfort of going on horseback. There are even late-period mentions of the Irish strapping spurs directly to their heels, without boots or stockings, below the ends of their triús.
The triús were most likely made of wool or linen; they could be dyed or left the natural color of the material. From illuminations, it is clear that the legs of these trousers were fitted, at least around the knee and calves, although they may have been loose at the groin, as suggested by the depictions in Topographia Hiberniae. Triús could stop at the calf, or reach the ankle, or have a stirrup that went under the foot, or have a fully enclosed foot. The waist may have been closed with a gathered or rolled hem and tightened by a drawstring or belt. Belt-loops have been found in other contexts, such as the Thorsbjerg bog trousers (ca. 300 CE), so they may have been known and in use in Ireland at this time, but without extant evidence this is impossible to document for certain.
A reenactor should consider wearing triús if portraying a male of some active profession. A laborer or herdsman might be seen in a simple outfit of léine, triús, and cris (a belt) with simple leather boots. A warrior might be barefoot and wearing only the triús, or else the triús and a short inar.
Belt
The cris, or belt, seems to have been a unisex girdle worn by Irish people of every status. This practical garment may have been leather or woven fabric, or even a rope, used to blouse the léine up for walking, or to secure swaddling blankets on babies, or to close a cloak, or to hold a sword if the wearer were a warrior. The belt had a metal buckle and tip, if the wearer could afford them.
The belt could also hold a pouch or bag, such as the “íadach,” which was a work-bag for women related to spinning or embroidery. A generic bag was called a “bolg,” so that a “pesbolg” or 'footbag' was a bag for wool working, which sat by a woman's feet, and the “cirbolg” or 'comb-bag' was a bag for holding the woolcombs; it apparently attached to the belt (perhaps tied on with its own drawstrings). Men may have preferred to call their belt-pouches, “sparán,” a loan-word from English, or else “tíag,” the term for a wallet, carrying-case, satchel or workbag.
Perhaps the most striking (and expensive) example of an Irish belt today dates to the 8th century CE: the Moylough Belt Shrine (3). This bronze-encased leather belt is elaborately decorated with openwork and engraved bronze, stamped silver foil, glass studs and enamel. The metal case is carefully jointed, the segments protecting fragments of the simple leather belt housed inside, such that the shrine can be worn. Such belt shrines were used as reliquaries for sacred belts, and worn for their healing powers. This sole surviving example has a sophisticated buckle, and has clearly been worn.
Buckles, decorative mounts, and strap ends from the Early Medieval Period in Ireland are found in numerous contexts, including abroad, and demonstrate a high level of casting skill even in the simplest examples. Some buckles are of an interesting hinge and pin style, while others are of a more standard loop and tongue type. Most are designed to rivet onto a leather strap, which suggests that leather belts were common.
The belts indicated by these buckles are narrow. Reenactors should avoid overly wide belts, and particularly, ring-belts; these are modern anachronisms that do not match the evidence from the medieval period. The belt also fitted neatly to the circumference of the wearer; there is no evidence for belt tips hanging dramatically below the waist, prior to the Norman Conquest.
Jacket
The form of the Irish coat or jacket varied by purpose. As noted above, research convention sometimes uses the two different spellings to differentiate between the two basic types of jacket: inar for the short jacket or vest worn by warriors, and ionar for the long coat worn by women and nobles.
In the Early Medieval Period, the inar was worn by fighting men against their skin, without a tunic underneath. It seems to have varied more in sleeves than in overall length, for most depictions show the inar ending around the waist or hips. The sleeves are sometimes long or perhaps ¾ length (it is impossible to say whether the depiction shows long sleeves pushed up a little on the forearm, or sleeves that only extend partway along the forearm). Other depictions show short sleeves, or sleeveless jackets or shirts; some of these may even be artistic renderings of some type of wide battle girdles, or armor, that merely appear like shirts. The difficulty in drawing any definite conclusion from such scant evidence continues to challenge reenactors wishing to wear this style.
The ionar, the long form of the coat worn over the léine, seems to be made of thicker materials (perhaps some fulled wool fabric) and reaches well past the waist or hips. These ionair (plural) clearly open in the front, and are often depicted with artistic, dramatic drapes or folds. Some appear to be embroidered, or perhaps sporting trim on the hems.
There is no visible method of closure attached to these jackets in manuscript illuminations; the Irish were proud of their brooches, and may have relied upon these decorative pins to close their jackets.
The illustrations in Topographia Hiberniae show several poncho-style mantles, closed in front and having attached hoods, one with sleeves but most open on the sides. If these depictions are accurate, they may represent a slightly later-period garment; none of the insular illuminated manuscripts show any such closed-front, loose outerwear items. As mentioned above, not all words for garments are yet possible to translate or define, so it is not outside the realm of possibility that the Early Medieval Irish had such a hooded poncho, but no details on it have come to light if so. The reenactor should likely focus on the open-fronted jacket, long or short, rather than trying to document the Welshman's 12th century portrayal of garments so seldom mentioned in the early period.
Cloak
No Irish outfit is complete without the bratt, the distinctive Irish cloak or mantle. This item was worn not only for protection from inclement weather, but as a definite status symbol. It is the one item most consistently referenced in traveler's accounts of Irish style. Records of trade, bills of lading and later economic reports demonstrate that the 'shaggy mantle' was much in demand as an export item.
The bratt was a rectangle of wool fabric, sometimes very long, finely woven, sometimes dyed with bright colors, or otherwise decorated. A heavy nap or pile, woven into the textile (perhaps similar to rya), made this distinctive garment resemble a fur or a fleece. A funny late-period account by Stanihurst (4) tells of a man being mistaken by dogs for a bear when he was wearing the shaggy mantle he bought from the Irish.
In some cases, the thick nap of these wool mantles was intentionally raised and brushed into curls, which, according to Lucas, could be additionally stiffened with honey to maintain the visual effect of the curls (5). The Mantle of Saint Brigid, a rectangle of red wool supposedly held by the Sint-Salvatorskathedraal in Belgium and claimed to date from 11th century Ireland, has just such curled tufts brushed into its long nap (6). The Bogstown bog mantle, dated to the 10th century CE, has a brushed nap with evidence of former decorations, perhaps of metal bosses, which were mounted on the outside of the shaggy surface (7). The bosses were dispersed in a mostly random pattern across the rectangular fabric, and left wear-marks on the pile that sat inside their domes. There is also some evidence that braid or woven trim was previously attached to the inner surface of this fabric, but which no longer remains.
In other cases, the bratt was of finer, softer material that could be draped rather more like a Roman pallium upon the shoulders in exaggerated, visible folds of fabric (as a form of conspicuous consumption). These ostentatious cloaks were described as five-folded, seven-folded, or even nine-folded to indicate how much material the wearer could afford—perhaps also proving how fine the cloth was by how many folds it would tolerate and still drape well over the shoulders. The word fallaing may be a name for this draped cloak based upon its folded appearance.
Veil
After the assimilation of Christianity, mature women and nuns in Ireland were expected to cover their hair with a veil, or caille. Exposing the back of the head carried penalties (and the implication of scandal) for a married woman (8). The First Synod of St. Patrick, quoted in Kelly's Marriage Disputes, ruled that priests whose wives went out in public with their hair unveiled should be thrown out of the Church. The Irish word for a married woman, a nun, or an old woman, crone, hag or the Morrígain, was caillech, or 'veiled woman.' This corresponds with the Madonna and Child illumination in the Book of Kells.
However, it must be noted that women may not have followed this rule universally. Perhaps this rule was only enforced in some regions or social contexts; the frequent mentions of Irish comfort with nudity would seem to contradict requirements that women cover themselves or their hair. The Penitential movement in Irish religion may have been the source of these strictures; this repressive, sin-focused version of Christianity gradually gained traction from the 6th century through the 9th century, and had not completely faded even by the 12th century. Where priests and monastics who followed this movement had any political influence, it is likely that the local community had to adopt stricter codes of behavior (monogamy, 'modest' attire, religious fasting, etc.) than were common in the Irish culture at large. This difference in social norms would particularly apply to those most affected by political pressures, ie. the higher-status members of a community, while more rural or lower-status individuals might ignore these protocols. Certainly the later-period depictions of Irish living outside the pale make special note that the women are willing to walk about with their hair uncovered (although these sources are subject to critique; see Irish Garb: Part 3).
To deal with this discrepancy, reenactors may wish to wear a veil when portraying a married or cloistered Irish woman of higher status, but leave their hair uncovered if portraying an unmarried, divorced or lower-class woman.
The caille appears to be a rectangular piece of fabric, draped around the head like a scarf. It may have been a relatively open-weave, gauzy textile. In the legend of The Conception of Conchobur (9), Ness, the mother of Conchubur, uses her veil as a strainer to filter water for her husband to drink at night, but he checks the cup in the light and finds two worms in the water, which he forces her to drink instead, on pain of death. Thus, her son Conchobur is born holding a worm in either hand. Apparently the mesh of Ness' caille was not fine enough to filter out worms which were imagined by the author to be large enough to be held in a baby's hand.
In the legal definition of the value of a pledge (a security given for a debt/loan), the Bretha im Fuillema Gell (Judgments on Pledge-Interests) states that the workbag/purse of the wife of a king (íadaige mna rig) should contain a veil of a single dye-color (caille aen dathe), a diadem of gold, a blade of gold and a wire of silver, while the workbag of the wife of a chieftain should contain silver wire, a veil, a gold diadem and silk cloth (10). These are listed in a context of the interest to be paid for embroidery work, so perhaps the workbag contains wire for the purpose of metallic embroidery that would be applied onto the veil.
The presence of the gold diadem (mind oir) or circlet, wreath, or crest, indicates that there might be some form of wire jewelry used to hold the veil in place on the head, as well as to indicate rank. The mention of a dye-color indicates that the veil could be dyed rich hues, rather than left white. This matches the depiction of Mary in the Book of Kells, whose veil is dyed gold.
Underwear
There is no evidence for Irish underclothes of any kind. Although, after the arrival of Christianity, Irish monks illustrated the crucifixion with drawings of Jesus wearing a loincloth, there seems to have been no traditional Irish version of a loincloth, wrestling diaper, braies or undershorts. Since nudity was not taboo, bathing and wrestling could be done naked. When riding, triús protected the groin from horsehair and chafing.
For women, there is vague reference to a “slapar” of clean linen, which might have been fabric strips or special under-skirts or petticoats worn during menstruation. There is no very clear definition available for this word. The 15th century translation of John of Gaddesden's Latin medical textbook into Irish uses slapar to translate the folded linen pad or truss wedged between the thighs to support the entrails in certain extreme medical cases (11). There is nothing to suggest that linen pads or extra skirts were worn by women when not menstruating.
There is likewise no evidence of bust support, and the depictions of women seem to verify a definite lack of bras, particularly where the léine is transparent and the breasts are visible. Furthermore, Irish mythology of the time uses the imagery of women's exposed chests without commentary or indications of cultural avoidance. For example, in the 11th century Book of the Dun Cow, Medb welcomes Cuchulain and his men to her palace with thrice-fifty bare-breasted, attractive women who bring water and prepare beds for them (12). Though extrapolating normal behavior from mythology is never scientific, it seems logical that the heroes of these Irish stories did not react with shock or surprise at seeing bare-chested women because the typical Irish audience would not have been shocked to see naked breasts. Sadly, this reinforces the idea that the Early Medieval Irish women did not wear breast-supportive garments underneath their lente, although of course the modern reenactor can choose her level of accuracy according to her own level of comfort and the modern context.
Shoes
Irish shoes were made of leather and/or rawhide, and typically worn for protection in rough conditions, or else for display in social settings. According to several later-period sources (such as an account of the taking of King Richard II (13), and a travel narrative by Viscount Ramon de Perellós (14), who visited Ireland in 1397 on pilgrimage), even the richest and most powerful chieftans of the Irish frequently went barefoot. Many insular illuminations demonstrate this preference for going unshod, even those depicting saints and soldiers.
It could be that some Irish monastic rules attempted to curb this habit, as in the Rule of Ailbe of Emly, where “cen chói, cen chessacht lessa, ní té dogrés cen assu...” translates to “without weeping, without wailing after prosperity (he must never go without sandals)” (15). However, this rule may simply have been in response to the trend in monastic/holy hermitage, where some ascetics deliberately went barefoot as an outward display of voluntary poverty and great piety. The Rule of St. Ailbe focuses on modesty and humility rather than such attention-seeking displays, so this insistence upon shoes may have been to curb the more zealous tendencies among the religious. Certainly, early accounts of pilgrimage rituals and penitential rites included walking barefoot, and many accounts of saints performing acts of charity and humility include the saint removing the sandals, and personally washing and kissing the feet of their guests. There was a definite correlation, in Irish perceptions, between holiness and bare feet.
Whether or not the common Irish were willing to walk about barefoot (or indeed, naked), as later sources frequently state, nonetheless the Irish certainly had shoes, and were manufacturing composite shoes from an early date. Shoe lasts have been found at Deer Park Farms and Lagore Crannog; discarded remnants of old, worn-out shoes are present in most settlement middens. Those at Deer Park Farms are numerous and complete enough to demonstrate the high level of sophistication in the design of some shoes, while also proving that the simpler, moccasin-style of brogues were being made and worn at the same time as the fancier, decorated composite shoes (16).
Some more complete shoes that survive today from the Early Medieval Period were quite ornate (17). These have the form of flat slippers with decorative tongues, as is visible in illuminations, some straight (made on a universal shoe last and interchangeable between left or right foot), but some shaped (made for just the left or just the right foot). Working-class commoners could wear simple leather boots that covered the ankles, although less is known of the details of their manufacture. Shoes in the literature are often described as buckled, usually with metal, so these boots may have been of the wrap-style seen in other Northern European contexts of the period.
Finally, rawhide shoes were (and remained) a cheap option for those who needed shoes but had neither the time nor materials for tanning. According to Lucas:
“A still surviving shoe of Type 3 is represented by the bróg úirleathair, rawhide shoe or so called 'pampootie' of the Aran Islands. It claims its place here because it is a lineal descendant of Type 3 from which it differs only in the fact that, in modern times at all events, it is laced with a strong cord or length of fishing line and not with thong and in the way in which the free ends of the lacing cords are utilized for fastening the shoe on the foot. It is made from rawhide, the hair being left on and worn on the outside. In some recent examples the toe and heel seams are of equal length so that the newly finished shoe, before it is expanded into shape by the wearer’s foot, looks like a shallow rectangular pouch sewn up both sides” (18).
According to Lucas, such shoes could be worn soaked or wetted to soften them before putting them on; this may be confirmed by various Irish references to shoes in winter being frozen and unwearable. A late-period account in the Annals of Ireland (from year 1590) describes a pair of shoes that loosened at the seams and fell off because they had not been wetted before being worn, and then became wet from walking in the mountains (19), so this tradition of wetting the shoes to fit them to one's feet may have continued.
Socks do not seem to have been common in Ireland. Soft moss or straw or wool could be packed into the shoe to keep the wearer warm in winter, as is attested in the literature, but stockings of any sort do not appear to be an Irish style. This may relate to the wet climate, and the need to dry the feet out by removing the shoes wherever the traveler stopped. Conversely, this may be merely a unique habit of the Irish; after all, some triús covered the feet, and if these were worn inside of shoes, they would be much more difficult to remove and dry than socks. It is, of course, possible that these footie-leggings were worn without shoes, or that they had felt or leather soles attached. If so, this would explain the use of the word bróga to refer to leggings.
To conclude, the reenactor has a choice of footwear to complete the Irish outfit. Going barefoot is an option, as are rawhide, oiled or smoke-tanned moccasins. Single-piece, gathered pouch-shoes are a legitimate choice, in rawhide or leather, but some shaping and a separate tongue can also be documented. A full leather boot that wraps and buckles about the ankle works for a laborer or farming class reenactor. Alternatively, fancy leather flats with decorated tongues, shaped sides and heel reinforcements, and a separate sole of thicker leather, will best match a high-status outfit. Vegetable-tanned cow leather is most common in the extant finds, but goat skin may have been a source for finer shoe leather (20).
Sources:
1) eDIL: Electronic Dictionary of the Irish Language, edited by Gregory Toner, Máire Ni Mhaonaigh, Sharon Arbuthnot, Marie-Luise Theuerkauf and Dagmar Wodtko. <www.dil.ie> Updated 2019. Unless specified, all Irish words in this research have come from the eDIL.
2) Giraldus Cambrensis. Topographia Hiberniae. 1188. Royal MS 13 B VIII f.1r-34v digitized by the British Library.
3) O'Kelly, Michael. “The Belt-Shrine of Moylough, Sligo.” The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. 95, 1965. p. 149-188
4) Stanihurst, Richard. De Rebus in Hibernia Gestis. 1584. p. 38
5) Lucas A.T. “Cloth Finishing in Ireland.” Folk Life Journal, Vol. 6, I 968. p. 18-67.
6) McClintock, H. “The “Mantle of St. Brigid.” The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of lreland, Vol. 66, part 1, 1936. p. 32-40
7) Heckett, Elizabeth Wincott. “A Tenth Century Cloth from Bogstown, Co. Meath.” NESAT 8, Poland, 2002. p, 95-99
8) Kelly, Fergus. Marriage Disputes: A Fragmentary Old Irish Law-Text. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 2014. p. 38
9) Revue Celtique, Vol. 6, Oxford University, 1885. p. 180
10) O'Donovan, John and Eugene O'Curry [trans]. Ancient Laws of Ireland: Uraicect Becc and Certain Other Selected Brehon Law Tracts. H.M. Stationery Office, 1901. p. 382-383
11) Wulff, Winifred [ed.] Rosa Anglica: Sev Rosa Medicine, Johannis Anglici: An Early Modern Irish Translation of a Section of the Mediaeval Medical Textbook of John of Gaddesden. Irish Texts Society, 1923. p. 244
12) Best, Richard and Osborn Bergin [ed.]. Lebor na hUidre: The Book of the Dun Cow. Royal Irish Academy, 1929. 8713
13) Williams, Benjamin. Chronique de la Traïson et mort de Richart Deux roy Dengllterre. English Historical Society, 1846. p. 171
14) Ramón de Perellós. Alan Mac an Bhaird [translator]. “Tour by Vescomte Ramón de Perellós” in a 1486 incunable of Francesc Eiximenis, by Henri Mayer, held in the Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona. 1397.
15) O'Neill, Joseph [translator]. “The Rule of Ailbe of Emly.” Ériu, Vol. 3, Royal Irish Academy, 1907. p. 96
16) Lynn, C.J. and J.A. McDowell. Deer Park Farms: The Excavation of a Raised Rath in the Glenarm Valley, Co. Antrim. Baird, 2011.
17) “The Evangelists' Shoes.” Early Irish Manuscripts, Library of Trinity College Dublin, March, 2016.
18) Lucas, A.T. “Footwear in Ireland.” The Journal of the County Louth Archaeological Society, Vol. 13, No. 4, 1956.
19) O'Brien, Karen [ed]. Annals of the Four Masters. CELT: Corpus of Electronic Texts, University College, Cork, Ireland, 2008. p. 1901
20) Stokes, Whitley [ed.]. “O'Davoren's Glossary.” Archiv für Celtische Lexikographie, Vol. 2, 1904.
To read about sources about Irish garb, see Irish Garb: Part 1. To read about materials, colors and decoration, see Irish Garb: Part 2. To read about the hooded tunic, see Irish Garb: Part 3.
Terms:
Beyond the basic léine (1), or tunic, the Irish had a variety of accessories for dressing themselves, and even more words for those garments. Just like blouse, camisole, polo, long-sleeve, tank-top, jersey, and t-shirt are all modern English words referring to shirts today, the same basic piece of clothing could have a variety of names in Old Irish. Thus the following terms represent only the most basic 'type' names for the garments that make up the full Irish outfit.
- Triús (trubus, trús): trews, trousers, breeches, leggings
- Cris (creassanna): belt
- Inar (ionar, plural = inair): short tunic, vest, long-sleeve jacket, coat, poncho
- Bratt: cloak, mantle, blanket
- Caille (calla): veil, headdress, cowl
- Bróc (plural = bróga): shoes, sometimes also refers to long hose/leggings that cover the foot
In using these overly-general terms, some confusion is guaranteed to result unless careful explanations of context are provided. This can be a serious challenge in any language (for example, the definition of a 'coat' can just as easily cover a fuzzy bathrobe as it can a plastic rain-jacket), but it particularly complicates matters when the language is ancient, had no standardized spelling, and the forms of clothing being documented in this language are uncertain.
 |
| Clonmacnoise Crucifixion Plaque |
As a consequence, modern conventions have evolved to help provide specificity where there is none in the original context. For instance, garb researchers often make use of the two different spellings for jacket, ionar and inar, to artificially distinguish between the long-sleeved, very long coat (seen on saints, nobles and angels) and the 3/4-sleeved, short-sleeved or sleeveless waistcoat or vest (seen on soldiers). In the texts, both were called the same name, and the two different spellings were likely pronounced exactly the same. Isolating the two spellings to help differentiate between the two basic types of jacket is a purely modern convenience, and not intended to imply that the Irish would have recognized any distinction between the words.
This list of basic terms also leaves out many redundant words, variations, compound-formations and unclear names for these basic garments. For example, lennbrat (or lendbratt) seems to be a compound word from lenn (a word related to the léine, but translated variously as a covering, mantle, or shirt) and bratt (the cloak or mantle). This lennbratt could be a form of poncho (like the hooded, bell-shaped ponchos seen in Topographia Hiberniae (2)), or perhaps a cloak with sleeves, or it could just be another name for the rectangular cloak. The subtleties and nuances of such lexical evidence are difficult to parse, so no definite conclusions can yet be drawn.
Thus, the reenactor must be cognizant of the breadth and variety of Irish clothing over the course of a millennium, and simply accept that, until more is known, the list of definable items will be few and simple in nature. With luck, new archaeological evidence will someday add clarity to the more mysterious terms, expanding the potential wardrobe of future reenactors.
Trews
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| MS 13B VIII f. 22r |
Not all Irish wore trousers; only men of active lifestyles used this garment. Laborers, farmers, soldiers and perhaps some lords' sons (while they lived as warriors) could wear triús under their tunics, or with a short jacket/vest, or just the triús alone (shirtless). A few myths mention women living as Fennian warriors as well, but they do not indicate that these women adopted masculine clothing while pursuing this lifestyle, and (like all Fennians) they resumed normal habits when they rejoined regular society.
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| Book of Kells f. 200r |
Depictions showing triús often include horses, logically suggesting that the bifurcated garment was primarily used when astride a horse. The Irish were famous for riding without saddles, so some form of pants would have greatly increased the comfort of going on horseback. There are even late-period mentions of the Irish strapping spurs directly to their heels, without boots or stockings, below the ends of their triús.
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| Book of Kells f. 255v |
The triús were most likely made of wool or linen; they could be dyed or left the natural color of the material. From illuminations, it is clear that the legs of these trousers were fitted, at least around the knee and calves, although they may have been loose at the groin, as suggested by the depictions in Topographia Hiberniae. Triús could stop at the calf, or reach the ankle, or have a stirrup that went under the foot, or have a fully enclosed foot. The waist may have been closed with a gathered or rolled hem and tightened by a drawstring or belt. Belt-loops have been found in other contexts, such as the Thorsbjerg bog trousers (ca. 300 CE), so they may have been known and in use in Ireland at this time, but without extant evidence this is impossible to document for certain.
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| MS 13B VIII f. 29r |
A reenactor should consider wearing triús if portraying a male of some active profession. A laborer or herdsman might be seen in a simple outfit of léine, triús, and cris (a belt) with simple leather boots. A warrior might be barefoot and wearing only the triús, or else the triús and a short inar.
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| Book of Kells f. 89r |
Belt
The cris, or belt, seems to have been a unisex girdle worn by Irish people of every status. This practical garment may have been leather or woven fabric, or even a rope, used to blouse the léine up for walking, or to secure swaddling blankets on babies, or to close a cloak, or to hold a sword if the wearer were a warrior. The belt had a metal buckle and tip, if the wearer could afford them.
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| An 8th century CE buckle of Irish origin, found in England. Portable Antiquities Scheme: KENT-A569D6 |
The belt could also hold a pouch or bag, such as the “íadach,” which was a work-bag for women related to spinning or embroidery. A generic bag was called a “bolg,” so that a “pesbolg” or 'footbag' was a bag for wool working, which sat by a woman's feet, and the “cirbolg” or 'comb-bag' was a bag for holding the woolcombs; it apparently attached to the belt (perhaps tied on with its own drawstrings). Men may have preferred to call their belt-pouches, “sparán,” a loan-word from English, or else “tíag,” the term for a wallet, carrying-case, satchel or workbag.
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| An 8th century CE Irish belt buckle. Portable Antiquities Scheme: WILT-81EB00 |
Perhaps the most striking (and expensive) example of an Irish belt today dates to the 8th century CE: the Moylough Belt Shrine (3). This bronze-encased leather belt is elaborately decorated with openwork and engraved bronze, stamped silver foil, glass studs and enamel. The metal case is carefully jointed, the segments protecting fragments of the simple leather belt housed inside, such that the shrine can be worn. Such belt shrines were used as reliquaries for sacred belts, and worn for their healing powers. This sole surviving example has a sophisticated buckle, and has clearly been worn.
Buckles, decorative mounts, and strap ends from the Early Medieval Period in Ireland are found in numerous contexts, including abroad, and demonstrate a high level of casting skill even in the simplest examples. Some buckles are of an interesting hinge and pin style, while others are of a more standard loop and tongue type. Most are designed to rivet onto a leather strap, which suggests that leather belts were common.
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| 10th century CE Irish belt mount or strap decoration. Portable Antiquities Scheme: FAKL-B87573 |
The belts indicated by these buckles are narrow. Reenactors should avoid overly wide belts, and particularly, ring-belts; these are modern anachronisms that do not match the evidence from the medieval period. The belt also fitted neatly to the circumference of the wearer; there is no evidence for belt tips hanging dramatically below the waist, prior to the Norman Conquest.
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| A strap-end, Hiberno-Norse, 9th century. Portable Antiquities Scheme: LANCUM-2AD712 |
Jacket
The form of the Irish coat or jacket varied by purpose. As noted above, research convention sometimes uses the two different spellings to differentiate between the two basic types of jacket: inar for the short jacket or vest worn by warriors, and ionar for the long coat worn by women and nobles.
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| Book of Kells f. 290v |
In the Early Medieval Period, the inar was worn by fighting men against their skin, without a tunic underneath. It seems to have varied more in sleeves than in overall length, for most depictions show the inar ending around the waist or hips. The sleeves are sometimes long or perhaps ¾ length (it is impossible to say whether the depiction shows long sleeves pushed up a little on the forearm, or sleeves that only extend partway along the forearm). Other depictions show short sleeves, or sleeveless jackets or shirts; some of these may even be artistic renderings of some type of wide battle girdles, or armor, that merely appear like shirts. The difficulty in drawing any definite conclusion from such scant evidence continues to challenge reenactors wishing to wear this style.
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| Book of Kells f. 253v |
The ionar, the long form of the coat worn over the léine, seems to be made of thicker materials (perhaps some fulled wool fabric) and reaches well past the waist or hips. These ionair (plural) clearly open in the front, and are often depicted with artistic, dramatic drapes or folds. Some appear to be embroidered, or perhaps sporting trim on the hems.
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| Shrine of Maedhoc |
There is no visible method of closure attached to these jackets in manuscript illuminations; the Irish were proud of their brooches, and may have relied upon these decorative pins to close their jackets.
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| Ring pin/pseudo-penannular brooch from Deer Park Farms |
The illustrations in Topographia Hiberniae show several poncho-style mantles, closed in front and having attached hoods, one with sleeves but most open on the sides. If these depictions are accurate, they may represent a slightly later-period garment; none of the insular illuminated manuscripts show any such closed-front, loose outerwear items. As mentioned above, not all words for garments are yet possible to translate or define, so it is not outside the realm of possibility that the Early Medieval Irish had such a hooded poncho, but no details on it have come to light if so. The reenactor should likely focus on the open-fronted jacket, long or short, rather than trying to document the Welshman's 12th century portrayal of garments so seldom mentioned in the early period.
Cloak
No Irish outfit is complete without the bratt, the distinctive Irish cloak or mantle. This item was worn not only for protection from inclement weather, but as a definite status symbol. It is the one item most consistently referenced in traveler's accounts of Irish style. Records of trade, bills of lading and later economic reports demonstrate that the 'shaggy mantle' was much in demand as an export item.
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| Shrine of Maedhoc |
The bratt was a rectangle of wool fabric, sometimes very long, finely woven, sometimes dyed with bright colors, or otherwise decorated. A heavy nap or pile, woven into the textile (perhaps similar to rya), made this distinctive garment resemble a fur or a fleece. A funny late-period account by Stanihurst (4) tells of a man being mistaken by dogs for a bear when he was wearing the shaggy mantle he bought from the Irish.
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| Book of Kells f. 201v |
In some cases, the thick nap of these wool mantles was intentionally raised and brushed into curls, which, according to Lucas, could be additionally stiffened with honey to maintain the visual effect of the curls (5). The Mantle of Saint Brigid, a rectangle of red wool supposedly held by the Sint-Salvatorskathedraal in Belgium and claimed to date from 11th century Ireland, has just such curled tufts brushed into its long nap (6). The Bogstown bog mantle, dated to the 10th century CE, has a brushed nap with evidence of former decorations, perhaps of metal bosses, which were mounted on the outside of the shaggy surface (7). The bosses were dispersed in a mostly random pattern across the rectangular fabric, and left wear-marks on the pile that sat inside their domes. There is also some evidence that braid or woven trim was previously attached to the inner surface of this fabric, but which no longer remains.
In other cases, the bratt was of finer, softer material that could be draped rather more like a Roman pallium upon the shoulders in exaggerated, visible folds of fabric (as a form of conspicuous consumption). These ostentatious cloaks were described as five-folded, seven-folded, or even nine-folded to indicate how much material the wearer could afford—perhaps also proving how fine the cloth was by how many folds it would tolerate and still drape well over the shoulders. The word fallaing may be a name for this draped cloak based upon its folded appearance.
Veil
After the assimilation of Christianity, mature women and nuns in Ireland were expected to cover their hair with a veil, or caille. Exposing the back of the head carried penalties (and the implication of scandal) for a married woman (8). The First Synod of St. Patrick, quoted in Kelly's Marriage Disputes, ruled that priests whose wives went out in public with their hair unveiled should be thrown out of the Church. The Irish word for a married woman, a nun, or an old woman, crone, hag or the Morrígain, was caillech, or 'veiled woman.' This corresponds with the Madonna and Child illumination in the Book of Kells.
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| Book of Kells f. 7v |
However, it must be noted that women may not have followed this rule universally. Perhaps this rule was only enforced in some regions or social contexts; the frequent mentions of Irish comfort with nudity would seem to contradict requirements that women cover themselves or their hair. The Penitential movement in Irish religion may have been the source of these strictures; this repressive, sin-focused version of Christianity gradually gained traction from the 6th century through the 9th century, and had not completely faded even by the 12th century. Where priests and monastics who followed this movement had any political influence, it is likely that the local community had to adopt stricter codes of behavior (monogamy, 'modest' attire, religious fasting, etc.) than were common in the Irish culture at large. This difference in social norms would particularly apply to those most affected by political pressures, ie. the higher-status members of a community, while more rural or lower-status individuals might ignore these protocols. Certainly the later-period depictions of Irish living outside the pale make special note that the women are willing to walk about with their hair uncovered (although these sources are subject to critique; see Irish Garb: Part 3).
To deal with this discrepancy, reenactors may wish to wear a veil when portraying a married or cloistered Irish woman of higher status, but leave their hair uncovered if portraying an unmarried, divorced or lower-class woman.
The caille appears to be a rectangular piece of fabric, draped around the head like a scarf. It may have been a relatively open-weave, gauzy textile. In the legend of The Conception of Conchobur (9), Ness, the mother of Conchubur, uses her veil as a strainer to filter water for her husband to drink at night, but he checks the cup in the light and finds two worms in the water, which he forces her to drink instead, on pain of death. Thus, her son Conchobur is born holding a worm in either hand. Apparently the mesh of Ness' caille was not fine enough to filter out worms which were imagined by the author to be large enough to be held in a baby's hand.
In the legal definition of the value of a pledge (a security given for a debt/loan), the Bretha im Fuillema Gell (Judgments on Pledge-Interests) states that the workbag/purse of the wife of a king (íadaige mna rig) should contain a veil of a single dye-color (caille aen dathe), a diadem of gold, a blade of gold and a wire of silver, while the workbag of the wife of a chieftain should contain silver wire, a veil, a gold diadem and silk cloth (10). These are listed in a context of the interest to be paid for embroidery work, so perhaps the workbag contains wire for the purpose of metallic embroidery that would be applied onto the veil.
The presence of the gold diadem (mind oir) or circlet, wreath, or crest, indicates that there might be some form of wire jewelry used to hold the veil in place on the head, as well as to indicate rank. The mention of a dye-color indicates that the veil could be dyed rich hues, rather than left white. This matches the depiction of Mary in the Book of Kells, whose veil is dyed gold.
Underwear
There is no evidence for Irish underclothes of any kind. Although, after the arrival of Christianity, Irish monks illustrated the crucifixion with drawings of Jesus wearing a loincloth, there seems to have been no traditional Irish version of a loincloth, wrestling diaper, braies or undershorts. Since nudity was not taboo, bathing and wrestling could be done naked. When riding, triús protected the groin from horsehair and chafing.
For women, there is vague reference to a “slapar” of clean linen, which might have been fabric strips or special under-skirts or petticoats worn during menstruation. There is no very clear definition available for this word. The 15th century translation of John of Gaddesden's Latin medical textbook into Irish uses slapar to translate the folded linen pad or truss wedged between the thighs to support the entrails in certain extreme medical cases (11). There is nothing to suggest that linen pads or extra skirts were worn by women when not menstruating.
There is likewise no evidence of bust support, and the depictions of women seem to verify a definite lack of bras, particularly where the léine is transparent and the breasts are visible. Furthermore, Irish mythology of the time uses the imagery of women's exposed chests without commentary or indications of cultural avoidance. For example, in the 11th century Book of the Dun Cow, Medb welcomes Cuchulain and his men to her palace with thrice-fifty bare-breasted, attractive women who bring water and prepare beds for them (12). Though extrapolating normal behavior from mythology is never scientific, it seems logical that the heroes of these Irish stories did not react with shock or surprise at seeing bare-chested women because the typical Irish audience would not have been shocked to see naked breasts. Sadly, this reinforces the idea that the Early Medieval Irish women did not wear breast-supportive garments underneath their lente, although of course the modern reenactor can choose her level of accuracy according to her own level of comfort and the modern context.
Shoes
Irish shoes were made of leather and/or rawhide, and typically worn for protection in rough conditions, or else for display in social settings. According to several later-period sources (such as an account of the taking of King Richard II (13), and a travel narrative by Viscount Ramon de Perellós (14), who visited Ireland in 1397 on pilgrimage), even the richest and most powerful chieftans of the Irish frequently went barefoot. Many insular illuminations demonstrate this preference for going unshod, even those depicting saints and soldiers.
It could be that some Irish monastic rules attempted to curb this habit, as in the Rule of Ailbe of Emly, where “cen chói, cen chessacht lessa, ní té dogrés cen assu...” translates to “without weeping, without wailing after prosperity (he must never go without sandals)” (15). However, this rule may simply have been in response to the trend in monastic/holy hermitage, where some ascetics deliberately went barefoot as an outward display of voluntary poverty and great piety. The Rule of St. Ailbe focuses on modesty and humility rather than such attention-seeking displays, so this insistence upon shoes may have been to curb the more zealous tendencies among the religious. Certainly, early accounts of pilgrimage rituals and penitential rites included walking barefoot, and many accounts of saints performing acts of charity and humility include the saint removing the sandals, and personally washing and kissing the feet of their guests. There was a definite correlation, in Irish perceptions, between holiness and bare feet.
Whether or not the common Irish were willing to walk about barefoot (or indeed, naked), as later sources frequently state, nonetheless the Irish certainly had shoes, and were manufacturing composite shoes from an early date. Shoe lasts have been found at Deer Park Farms and Lagore Crannog; discarded remnants of old, worn-out shoes are present in most settlement middens. Those at Deer Park Farms are numerous and complete enough to demonstrate the high level of sophistication in the design of some shoes, while also proving that the simpler, moccasin-style of brogues were being made and worn at the same time as the fancier, decorated composite shoes (16).
Some more complete shoes that survive today from the Early Medieval Period were quite ornate (17). These have the form of flat slippers with decorative tongues, as is visible in illuminations, some straight (made on a universal shoe last and interchangeable between left or right foot), but some shaped (made for just the left or just the right foot). Working-class commoners could wear simple leather boots that covered the ankles, although less is known of the details of their manufacture. Shoes in the literature are often described as buckled, usually with metal, so these boots may have been of the wrap-style seen in other Northern European contexts of the period.
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| MS 13B VIII f. 23v |
Finally, rawhide shoes were (and remained) a cheap option for those who needed shoes but had neither the time nor materials for tanning. According to Lucas:
“A still surviving shoe of Type 3 is represented by the bróg úirleathair, rawhide shoe or so called 'pampootie' of the Aran Islands. It claims its place here because it is a lineal descendant of Type 3 from which it differs only in the fact that, in modern times at all events, it is laced with a strong cord or length of fishing line and not with thong and in the way in which the free ends of the lacing cords are utilized for fastening the shoe on the foot. It is made from rawhide, the hair being left on and worn on the outside. In some recent examples the toe and heel seams are of equal length so that the newly finished shoe, before it is expanded into shape by the wearer’s foot, looks like a shallow rectangular pouch sewn up both sides” (18).
According to Lucas, such shoes could be worn soaked or wetted to soften them before putting them on; this may be confirmed by various Irish references to shoes in winter being frozen and unwearable. A late-period account in the Annals of Ireland (from year 1590) describes a pair of shoes that loosened at the seams and fell off because they had not been wetted before being worn, and then became wet from walking in the mountains (19), so this tradition of wetting the shoes to fit them to one's feet may have continued.
Socks do not seem to have been common in Ireland. Soft moss or straw or wool could be packed into the shoe to keep the wearer warm in winter, as is attested in the literature, but stockings of any sort do not appear to be an Irish style. This may relate to the wet climate, and the need to dry the feet out by removing the shoes wherever the traveler stopped. Conversely, this may be merely a unique habit of the Irish; after all, some triús covered the feet, and if these were worn inside of shoes, they would be much more difficult to remove and dry than socks. It is, of course, possible that these footie-leggings were worn without shoes, or that they had felt or leather soles attached. If so, this would explain the use of the word bróga to refer to leggings.
To conclude, the reenactor has a choice of footwear to complete the Irish outfit. Going barefoot is an option, as are rawhide, oiled or smoke-tanned moccasins. Single-piece, gathered pouch-shoes are a legitimate choice, in rawhide or leather, but some shaping and a separate tongue can also be documented. A full leather boot that wraps and buckles about the ankle works for a laborer or farming class reenactor. Alternatively, fancy leather flats with decorated tongues, shaped sides and heel reinforcements, and a separate sole of thicker leather, will best match a high-status outfit. Vegetable-tanned cow leather is most common in the extant finds, but goat skin may have been a source for finer shoe leather (20).
Sources:
1) eDIL: Electronic Dictionary of the Irish Language, edited by Gregory Toner, Máire Ni Mhaonaigh, Sharon Arbuthnot, Marie-Luise Theuerkauf and Dagmar Wodtko. <www.dil.ie> Updated 2019. Unless specified, all Irish words in this research have come from the eDIL.
2) Giraldus Cambrensis. Topographia Hiberniae. 1188. Royal MS 13 B VIII f.1r-34v digitized by the British Library.
3) O'Kelly, Michael. “The Belt-Shrine of Moylough, Sligo.” The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. 95, 1965. p. 149-188
4) Stanihurst, Richard. De Rebus in Hibernia Gestis. 1584. p. 38
5) Lucas A.T. “Cloth Finishing in Ireland.” Folk Life Journal, Vol. 6, I 968. p. 18-67.
6) McClintock, H. “The “Mantle of St. Brigid.” The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of lreland, Vol. 66, part 1, 1936. p. 32-40
7) Heckett, Elizabeth Wincott. “A Tenth Century Cloth from Bogstown, Co. Meath.” NESAT 8, Poland, 2002. p, 95-99
8) Kelly, Fergus. Marriage Disputes: A Fragmentary Old Irish Law-Text. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 2014. p. 38
9) Revue Celtique, Vol. 6, Oxford University, 1885. p. 180
10) O'Donovan, John and Eugene O'Curry [trans]. Ancient Laws of Ireland: Uraicect Becc and Certain Other Selected Brehon Law Tracts. H.M. Stationery Office, 1901. p. 382-383
11) Wulff, Winifred [ed.] Rosa Anglica: Sev Rosa Medicine, Johannis Anglici: An Early Modern Irish Translation of a Section of the Mediaeval Medical Textbook of John of Gaddesden. Irish Texts Society, 1923. p. 244
12) Best, Richard and Osborn Bergin [ed.]. Lebor na hUidre: The Book of the Dun Cow. Royal Irish Academy, 1929. 8713
13) Williams, Benjamin. Chronique de la Traïson et mort de Richart Deux roy Dengllterre. English Historical Society, 1846. p. 171
14) Ramón de Perellós. Alan Mac an Bhaird [translator]. “Tour by Vescomte Ramón de Perellós” in a 1486 incunable of Francesc Eiximenis, by Henri Mayer, held in the Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona. 1397.
15) O'Neill, Joseph [translator]. “The Rule of Ailbe of Emly.” Ériu, Vol. 3, Royal Irish Academy, 1907. p. 96
16) Lynn, C.J. and J.A. McDowell. Deer Park Farms: The Excavation of a Raised Rath in the Glenarm Valley, Co. Antrim. Baird, 2011.
17) “The Evangelists' Shoes.” Early Irish Manuscripts, Library of Trinity College Dublin, March, 2016.
18) Lucas, A.T. “Footwear in Ireland.” The Journal of the County Louth Archaeological Society, Vol. 13, No. 4, 1956.
19) O'Brien, Karen [ed]. Annals of the Four Masters. CELT: Corpus of Electronic Texts, University College, Cork, Ireland, 2008. p. 1901
20) Stokes, Whitley [ed.]. “O'Davoren's Glossary.” Archiv für Celtische Lexikographie, Vol. 2, 1904.
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